Color lines in a multiracial nation: An institutional demographic overview of the United States in the twenty-first century

Author(s):

Mcardle, N.

Format:

Book section

Publisher:

Temple University Press, 2009.

Language:

English

Abstract:

The racial profile of the United States has changed dramatically over just three and a half decades, within the lifetime of even the youngest baby boomer. In 2005 one in three residents was a racial or ethnic minority, up from one in six in 1970. Hispanics are now the largest minority group and are projected to be a quarter of the total population by midcentury, when no single major racial or ethnic group will claim the majority. Further, the younger age structure of the minority population means that this racial transition will occur considerably sooner among the young. The old black-white paradigm-never entirely adequate-is now completely deficient, and diversity within race/ethnic groups, fueled by continued foreign immigration from a host of countries, complicates the picture even further. The once rigid color line, demarcating both the separation and inequality between races, has become blurred. Moreover, stark regional differences mean that these racial dynamics are playing out differently across the nation. Because the history of slavery, Jim Crow, and discrimination against blacks has defined America's fundamental racial struggle, the color line must first be addressed in the context of African Americans. Just as it was highlighted by the 1968 Kerner Commission report which warned of "two societies, one black, one white-separate and unequal," the ongoing inequality of blacks was once again brought to the forefront in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina, when the flood waters laid bare the plight of those relegated to lower ground and without the resources to flee. The nation has made much progress since the civil rights era of the 1950s and 1960s, yet stubborn problems remain, particularly for certain black subgroups. The emergence of the black middle class, higher levels of homeownership, income, and educational attainment over the long run, and less racial animosity testify to this progress. Yet even middleclass and professional blacks have been unable to use these assets to move into neighborhoods which include the same resources available to similarly situated whites. Residential segregation, while easing in some locations, is still at very high levels in those metropolitan areas where most blacks live, isolating them in communities with poorer educational and employment opportunities and greater health risks. The gap between black and white unemployment has remained essentially unchanged over four decades, while black poverty and income levels remain among the worst among major racial and ethnic groups, exacerbated by the high share of black single-parent and single-earner households. Young black men face particular difficulties, posting high dropout rates, disconnection from the workforce, and incarceration rates that often lead to disenfranchisement and inability to obtain employment. In a tragic cycle, men who leave prison often return to their previous neighborhoods with few good options and considerable temptation to return to criminal activity. Despite continued inequality across a wide range of measures, many whites believe that blacks have essentially achieved parity and that "race neutral" policies are needed to ensure a "level playing field." Or that, as a nation, we have tried to address these inequalities to the best of our ability, and those remaining are a matter of individual responsibility or neutral market forces. Indeed, court decisions which affirm this view have been responsible for rolling back much of the progress in school desegregation that was achieved in the South. Blacks and whites hold fundamentally different views regarding the availability of equal employment, educational, and housing opportunities and the importance of racial discrimination in limiting these opportunities. Given the conservative policy climate and the composition of the U.S. Supreme Court, the likelihood of major policy initiatives to address these inequalities is small, making it even more important for researchers to reveal these disparities so starkly and engagingly that people will accept a common understanding and more effectively look for solutions. Like African Americans, Native Americans have endured a long history of subjugation and oppression, so their very survival as a people is a victory. Yet, with high rates of interracial marriage and with population growth due, in part, to people's increased self-identification of Indian heritage, the very definition of the Indian "race" is somewhat murky. Further, because the Indian population is relatively small-less than the number of Chinese Americans in the United States-and is divided among five hundred tribes, many surveys do not provide separate estimates for Indians, but aggregate them with "others." We do know that they have among the lowest economic and educational status of any racial group and are disproportionately dependent on public assistance. While Indians have higher levels of homeownership than many minority groups, they are more likely to live in inadequate and crowded housing. They also suffer high levels of infant mortality, alcoholism, and diabetes. Approximately 40 percent live on reservations, and those living on or near Indian lands tend to have worse outcomes than Indians overall. Because of their relatively small numbers, complicated sovereignty issues, and a lack of data, the Native American situation is sometimes easy to overlook. But, as they progress further toward self-determination and economic advancement, we cannot forget the descendants of America's first inhabitants and the struggles that they still face. Latinos, particularly Latino immigrants, are the face of the next major civil rights struggle in the United States. In many ways, Latino socioeconomic, demographic and health outcomes are better than African Americans', and they generally face lower levels of segregation and discrimination. Yet, because their population is surging during a politically conservative era, their opportunity to take part fully in the American dream is unsure. Geographic concentration of immigrants, most of whom are Latinos, has raised concern about stresses on schools, hospitals and other social services. Major legislation which would designate illegal immigrants as felons, criminalize anyone who provides assistance to the undocumented, and attempt to deport all 11.5 million to 12 million undocumented immigrants has garnered considerable support. With a terrorist attack inside the United States or a downswing in economy, demands for such action could become even more intense. The socioeconomic status of Latinos varies considerably, in part according to their country of origin, length of time in the United States, and English ability. A number of factors work in their favor, including relatively high employment rates, multiple earner households, two-parent families, and generally positive health outcomes, despite a disproportionate lack of health insurance. And, the longer they remain in the United States, the more they progress up the economic ladder. Though they experience considerable discrimination, they are sometimes favored by employers over African Americans. Still, as the economy increasingly rewards higher education and a continued influx of low-skilled immigrants puts downward pressure on wages, Latinos will continue to fall behind unless they can upgrade their skills. Currently their lower educational attainment has led to the lowest earnings levels and occupational status of all major groups. With many Latino children attending poorly performing schools that are highly segregated by race, income, and language ability and a high share dropping out of school, much more needs to be done to assist Latinos gain a foothold above the lowest rungs of the economic ladder. Education has been instrumental in securing the success of many Asian populations in the United States. With higher levels of educational attainment, school test scores, college persistence rates, income, occupational status, two-parent families, and health status than whites overall, Asians are also the least resi-dentially segregated from whites. In fact, relative to whites with similar income profiles, Asians actually live in more affluent neighborhoods. Still, Asians are even more heterogeneous than Latinos in terms of culture, language, and country of origin, and vary considerably across the socioeconomic spectrum as well. While all groups contain examples of individuals overcoming great odds, some Asian subgroups, such as Cambodians and Hmong, are among the most impoverished in the nation. In celebrating the success of the Asian experience overall, we must not use too broad a brush and neglect the needs and stories of those who continue to struggle. And, during a period of retrenchment around immigration policy, it is also instructive to recall that the same Asian nationalities that are now sometimes termed "model minorities" were despised, excluded, and interned within just the last one hundred fifty years of our nation's history. © 2009 by Temple University Press. All rights reserved.

ISBN:

9781592136926 (ISBN)

Identifier:

HmongStudies2048